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This is an original interpretation of the early European Enlightenment and the religious conflicts that rocked England and its empire under the later Stuarts. In a series of vignettes that move between Europe and North Africa, William J. Bulman shows that this period witnessed not a struggle for and against new ideas and greater freedoms, but a battle between several novel schemes for civil peace. Bulman considers anew the most apparently conservative force in post-Civil War English history: the conformist leadership of the Church of England. He demonstrates that the church's historical scholarship, social science, pastoral care and political practice amounted not to a culturally backward spectacle of intolerance, but to a campaign for stability drawn from the frontiers of erudition and globalization. In seeking to sever the link between zeal and chaos, the church and its enemies were thus united in an Enlightenment project, but bitterly divided over what it meant in practice.
- Sales Rank: #2504836 in Books
- Published on: 2015-05-12
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .94" w x 5.98" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 357 pages
Review
"Bulman's achievement is positively 'Thompsonian': the rescuing of Anglican scholars and scholarship, pastors and political operatives from the enormous condescension of (whig and revisionist) posterity. As such, Anglican Enlightenment ranks amongst the most important interventions in late seventeenth-century studies in the last decade, if not longer."
David Magliocco, Reviews in History
"Highly recommended. Upper-division undergraduates and above."
Choice
About the Author
William J. Bulman is an assistant professor at Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he teaches European history and global studies. He received his PhD in 2010 from Princeton University, where he received the Rockefeller Graduate Prize Fellowship and other honors. Between 2009 and 2012 he held research fellowships at Vanderbilt and Yale. His doctoral work was supported by the Mellon Foundation and the US Department of Education, and in 2012 he was among the two youngest scholars in eight disciplines to be awarded a Religion and Innovation in Human Affairs Grant from the Historical Society and the Templeton Foundation. His articles on the intellectual, religious, political, and cultural history of England and its empire have appeared in Past and Present, The Journal of British Studies, History Compass, and other venues. In addition to the themes covered in Anglican Enlightenment, his current research examines the changing nature of political practice and decision-making in the British Atlantic world between the late sixteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He is also preparing a collaborative volume (co-edited with Robert Ingram) tentatively entitled God in the Enlightenment.
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3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
More Evidence for Christian Enlightenment
By Lisa Clark Diller
Bulman is attempting to saw through the ossified historiographical binary that portrays the leaders of the later seventeenth century Anglican church as either part of a liberal secular advance or as reactionary and conservative Christians attempting to reinvent the sixteenth century. He uses the life of Lancelot Addison to argue for an early Anglican Enlightenment. The defining problem that this early Enlightenment was a response to was the need for civil and religious order, while attempting to get at religious truth in a way that was recognizable in an era of pluralism. The fact of Christian pluralism at home, and religious diversity in the burgeoning empire required new methods and tactics—especially the use of history rather than theology as a way of arguing about universal norms for political and civil peace and order.
Andrews is an ideal means to get at this, as his education during the Civil War period fits Bulman’s identification of that context as a provocation for the Anglican desire to find non-violent and less coercive ways of arguing and using learning. Andrews wanted politeness and widely recognized ways of getting at evidence. His time during the Restoration as a civil servant and minister in Tangier especially allowed him to use comparative history and religion to make his arguments about good politics and civic order. In attempting to argue from universals, Bulman maintains, Andrews was participating in the methods of evidentiary evaluation that are normally attributed to Enlightenment thinkers. Bulman is quick to point out that the Orientalism of Andrews and others in this period is different from the late 18th century variety, however it was still the use of knowledge for power. More to the point, it allowed for traveling historians to get at sources that were not merely textual and ancient. Andrews both surveyed/observed the people of North Africa and utilized their own ancient histories and political tracts to do his scholarship. He criticized those who were armchair scholars, using old religious histories of the Jews or Muslims without understanding that their culture and society had changed over time. The point of all this was not only to understand non-Christians better for the purpose of conversion, but also to understand more universal social/political laws so that Andrews could critique and advise his own countrymen.
At the heart of Enlightenment assumptions was the idea that education was the main means of changing people’s hearts and minds. Authoritarian claims to revelation and obedience were not enough, and the Church of England clergy were largely commitment to non-coercion in their attempts to compel loyalty and religious renewal. Bulman emphasizes that this was well understood and practiced before 1689, even by those like Andrews who were not in favor of a general Protestant toleration. The moral reformation movement after the Glorious Revolution was therefore not new in it’s educational and tolerationist attributes. Instead, this reality had been around long before, as Andrews’ low clergy contemporaries regularly demonstrated. Catechisms and catechizing had rarely been so important, and Bulman connects this to the experience of the Interregnum’s lack of regular religious instruction and the perceived irreligion and ignorance that the Restoration clergy felt they had to deal with. Andrews both published and promoted this form of making change and establishing correct religion. His observations during his time abroad and his assessment of the Jewish and Islamic societies only convinced him of this, and he used the nascent Enlightenment evidences to argue for it.
Bulman’s narrative of Andrews’ career and the difficulty he had in making the transition after the Glorious Revolution is extremely effective in reminding the contemporary reader that the divides between scholars and polemicists of the day are not easily mapped onto each other. The Socinian/Deist rationalists were met on their own ground by devout Anglicans who used similar methods and evidences—and the latter were not monolithically low church/latitudinarian. Andrews, for instance, was part of this Anglican Enlightenment, but not sympathetic with the Williamite bishops and did not believe the empire’s de facto toleration should be extended to England. Instead, he continued his pre-Revolution commitment to catechizing, regular sacraments and a neo-Laudian reform of the material elements of worship. His inability to adjust to the new institutions of the 1690s was part of the larger failure (see also Brent Sirota on this subject) of the high church clergy to adopt effective tactics/institutions for spiritual renewal in the new pluralistic context.
What all the church leaders were dealing with was no longer the threat of dissent and/or popery, but irreligion and ignorance. And in the end, they were unable to suppress those threats without coercion and the strong commitment of the crown while still arguing for the particular sacerdotal importance of the Church of England. The universal arguments and evidences they relied on ended up not only failing to convince their audience, but became used by the later more secular Enlightenment. Still Bulman wants his readers to see the ways in which godly reformers were not only some of the earliest adopters of the Enlightenment assumptions, but that the nascent liberalism of this period was also a discourse of power. Its questions are still around—how do we secure peace in a pluralistic world? How do we evaluate truth? Liberalism wasn’t primarily about protecting people from the church/state, as it was developed by people who were committed to those institutions. Instead it was one attempt to answer the question of power and pluralism and was a tactic the state used to establish its authority.
History is often the story of unintended consequences. Our interest in how we got to be the way we are all too often causes us to oversimply. By using one man’s indirect and winding career path, Bulman has both clarified and complicated how Enlightenment commitments to universals and pluralism might result from a commitment Christian’s desire to convert and reinvigorate the sacerdotal and civic power of the very particular Church of England.
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